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Volume CCXXXII, Number 27   November, 2002    Worcester, Massachusetts   Since 1770

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By William R. Hearst
War Correspondent

 President Lyndon B. Johnson told Congress not to "tie his hands" in his efforts to respond to Communist terror in the South China Sea. Johnson, in a major media blitz quarterbacked by key media-savvy aides Bill Moyers and Jack Valenti, challenged Congress "to prove to the American people that they are serious about combatting Red terrorism before it washes up on our own shores."

Washington observers predict that Congress, loathe to appear soft on Communism in an election year, will give the President the free hand he seeks in Vietnam. But taking no chances, Johnson dispatched Defense Secretary Robert McNamara to make the Administration's case on Capitol Hill.

"No one wants a wider war," McNamara said, vowing that any military action in Vietnam will be "swift, brutal and decisive." He cited America's overwhelming superiority in advanced weaponry, including the powerful B-52 bomber and F-5 Phantom fighter, as well as America's advanced tanks and other motorized vehicles. "Our military is ready and Ho Chi Minh knows it. We'll have our boys out of there by Christmas."

At the Pentagon, the mood was equally upbeat. Army Chief of Staff Maxwell Taylor, the hero of Normandy and the Bulge, expressed confidence that highly-trained American forces, including the Army's Rangers and elite "Green Berets" would make short work of the sandal-clad Viet Cong. "They are simply jungle dwellers who will run as soon as they see our Special Forcers pouring out of our helicopters. They will be overwhelmed by D plus 7," he promised, using high-tech military jargon for one week after the battle begins.

Off the record, some Congressmen grumbled at scheduling a vote on the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution on the eve of the Presidential elections and speculated that Johnson had deliberately exaggerated the Gulf of Tonkin attack for political advantage. On the record, though, both houses expressed unqualified support for the President's war policy.

"We must unite behind our President's efforts to staunch the expansion of Red aggression and terror in Asia," said Sen. Richard Russell. "Anyone who votes against this resolution is as yellow as a nigra," he chortled before spewing a well-chewed wad of tobacco into a spittoon manned by his faithful manservant, Leroy (last name unknown).

Across the nation, polls indicate a groundswell of support for war in Vietnam. By a margin of 71%-29%, Americans said it was more important to fight terror than to appear weak and spineless in the face of aggression. A strong 78% agreed that "We cannot let our SEATO allies down by running from the fight." Children echoed similar sentiments. In Hogswallop, Missisippi, an adorable 11-year-old Negro girl named Connie Rice began her piano recital with "God Bless America." And even Walter Cronkite, dean of America's TV newsmen, solemnly told his huge viewing audience: "Let's roll."

Just about the only dissenting voices came from conservative Republicans who urged an even more forceful policy. "One nuke on Hanoi and this war is over," said Republican Presidential nominee Barry Goldwater. Other Western Republicans were even more forceful. Death Valley Days host Ronald Reagan, rumored to have political ambitions of his own, said, "Shucks, I agree with Barry, but one each on Peking, Moscow and Havana would teach them a lesson in democracy they would never forget."

At the White House, key Presidential advisers were quietly exultant over the turn of events. With Congress on board, plans for reinforcement of U.S. ground forces and airstrikes from B-52's on Guam were being readied. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy summed up the White House reaction: "We can't lose. This is our generation's rendevous with destiny." National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy, often said to be the smartest man in Washington, quoted philsopher George Santayana: "'Those who do not remember the past are condemned to repeat it.' I trust I have made myself clear."